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Showing posts with label African ancestors. Show all posts
Showing posts with label African ancestors. Show all posts

Sunday, February 20, 2022

An Anthropologist Looks at Genesis 1

 


Dr. Alice C. Linsley


In the beginning…

The phrase "In the beginning" is common in African creation stories and songs, such as this song of the Mbuti Pygmies:


In the beginning was God

Today is God,

Tomorrow will be God.

Who can make an image of God?

He has no body.

He is as a word which comes out from your mouth,

That word! It is no more,

It is past and still it lives!

So is God.


The Akan of Ghana tell this story: “In the beginning the heavens were closer to the earth. First man and first woman had to be careful while cultivating and grinding grain so that their hoes and pestles would not strike God, who lived in the sky. Death had not yet entered the world and God provided enough for them. But first woman became greedy and tried to pound more grain than she was allotted. To do this, she had to use a longer pestle. When she raised it up, it hit the sky and God became angry and retreated far into the heavens. Since then, there has been disease and death and it is not easy to reach God.”

This narrative is told by the Fang of Central Africa: “At the beginning of Things, when there was nothing, neither man, nor animals, nor plants, nor heaven, nor earth, nothing, nothing, God was and He was called Nzame.”

A Bantu account is similar: “In the beginning there was only darkness, water, and the great god Bumba."

Of the beginning, the Gikuyu of Kenya say, "There was no sunlight... the whole land was in darkness."

The Egyptian creation story closely parallels Genesis 1:1: “In the beginning there was only the swirling watery chaos."

 

God spoke.

Another common theme among Africans is the power of the divine word to generate life. The Nilotic Luo have a saying: Wach en gi teko which means "a word has power."

The Bambara bards of Uganda recite this song in praise of the divine Word:


The Word is total:

it cuts, excoriates

forms, modulates

perturbs, maddens

cures or directly kills

amplifies or reduces

According to intention

It excites or calms souls.

 

God created all things.

Another African theme is expressed in the merism "the heavens and the earth...", meaning all things. All created entities owe their existence directly to the Creator. Among the Luo, Jachwech piny gi polo means the "Creator of earth and heaven."

Abraham’s Nilotic ancestors believed that the Creator created alone. In ancient Egyptian texts, God declares, "I cast a spell with my own heart to lay a foundation in Maat. I made everything. I was alone. I had not yet breathed the divine one Shu, and I had not yet spit up the divine one Tefnut. I worked alone."

The concept of “Maat” involves equilibrium and harmony between constituent parts, including the cycle of the seasons, celestial and planetary movements, honesty in social and business interactions, and justice.

Contrast the African picture of God’s direct act of creation to the Babylonian "Epic of Creation" in which Marduk creates. He is created to defend the divine ones from attack by the sea goddess Tiamat. Marduk offers to save them on the condition that he be appointed their permanent ruler. The gods agree to Marduk's terms. Marduk kills Tiamat and he fashions the earth and the skies from her severed corpse.

The Somali called the Creator Eebe, and Eebe's divine messenger was Huur, another name for Horus. In Luo, Horu' mo (horumo/orumo) means perfected, realized, finished, or completed. Other peoples of Somalia call the Creator Waaqa Tokkicha, meaning “the one God.”

A Luo reference to God is Nyasaye, which is comparable to the biblical “I am Who I am.” The Acholi Luos call the Creator Lacwec, and other Luos call the Creator Jachwech, a linguistic equivalent of Yahweh.

 

God separated the sea and the dry land.

The Oromo name for the High God is Waaqa. According to their creation story, Waaqa separated the body of water into two parts: the water above called “Bishaan Gubbaathe”, and the water below called “Bishaan Goodaa”.

Among the Nilotic Luo “Dog Nam” refers to the great water or the waters of creation. Luos consider God to be present at any great body of water, especially Lake Chad, the Nile, and Lake Victoria.

According to some mythologies, the Nile was where the work of creation began when the Creator caused a mound to emerge from the primal water. The emerging dry land called Tatjenun.

In the Egyptian Coffin Texts (2000 BC) we read, "I was the one who began everything, the dweller in the Primeval Waters. First Hahu emerged from me and then I began to move." Ha-hu (ruach in Hebrew) is the wind or breath of God that separated the waters above from the waters below and the dry land from the seas.

The waters were called Nun, a word found among the Horite Hebrew chiefs. Joshua bin Nun is an example. Nun represents the cosmic waters of the firmament above and firmament below (Gen.1:6). In Heliopolitan cosmology the watery realms were connected by the great pillars of the temple of Heliopolis (Biblical On).

Land is created through volcanism. The ancients observed this and attributed it to God’s actions. The rising mounds were called pillars and the Hebrew conceived on earth resting on pillars." I Samuel 2:8 says, "For the pillars of the earth are the Lord’s and he had set the world upon them." Many volcanic eruptions took place under the sea. Imagine volcanoes rising from the sea. These are the "pillars of the earth" described in Psalm 72, Job 9:6, and I Samuel 2:8.

Job 9 speaks of God "Who shakes the earth out of its place, and its pillars tremble.”  Among Abraham's Nilotic ancestors the mounds that emerged from the sea were called TaTJeNuN which appears to mean "twin pillars of God in the water."

Pillars marked sacred places and royal tombs. Ancient temples such as the one at Karnak have entrance halls filled with massive pillars. In the Ugaritic creation story the twin mountains are indicated by the sign T. The mountains Trgzz and Trmg emerged from a universal ocean and held up the firmament.

 

Related reading: The Themes of Genesis 1-3; The Chaotic Waters Subdued; The Nilotic Context of Genesis 1-2; The Nilotic Substrata of Genesis 1


Saturday, February 17, 2018

Sara's Laughter


Alice C. Linsley

Abraham's half-sister was also his wife. Her name was Sarah or Sarai, both names being derived from the Akkadian word for queen: šarratum. Sarah was a wealthy, high-born woman with many servants, craftsmen, herdsmen, shepherds and warriors to supervise in the absence of her husband.

Sarah resided in the region of Hebron, at the northern boundary of Abraham's territory in Edom. Abraham's other wife, Keturah, resided in the region of Beersheba at the southern boundary of Abraham's territory.





Abraham's territory extended between the settlements of his two wives and was entirely in the region the Greeks called Idumea, meaning "land of red people."

In the marriage and ascendancy pattern of the Horite Hebrew rulers, the proper heir to the father's territory was the first born son of the first wife, the half-sister wife. As Sarah was barren, Abraham had no proper heir. Eliezer, the son of the concubine Masek, was chosen to be the steward of the household, not the heir. Abraham took up his complaint with the LORD and was assured that one day Sarah would bring forth the proper heir (There is Messianic foreshadowing here).

Abraham's complaint that he had no proper heir was one the Lord God understood, seeing that Abraham was a ruler and the matter of heirs is especially important for those who rule. Having a proper heir would not be so important were Abraham and Sarah commoners. They were of the ruling class. 

Sarah had everything, except the one thing she needed to fulfill her role as the wife of a ruler. Her resentment of Hagar and Ishmael reveals the growing bitterness she had. She likely scoffed and laughed from a spirit of grief and bitterness. It is easy to judge Sarah who laughed when she heard that she would bring forth a son in her old age. Her laughter seems to be out of shock and disbelief, a natural response for a woman past child bearing years (Gen. 18:13). Yet, Abraham laughed also.
Then Abraham fell upon his face, and laughed, and said in his heart, Shall a child be born to man who is one hundred years old? And shall Sarah, that is ninety years old, bear a child? (Gen. 17:17).
When confronted, Sarah denied laughing. She would not have wanted to insult her guests. At first, Sara and Abraham were not aware of the identity of their visitors. The meal they provided was one of hospitality, not a great feast. It suggests that Abraham was unsure about the 3 strangers, but anxious to provide an adequate meal. The guests are described simply as three men, but when Abraham talks to them, they respond as one ("they said"). We are told that "the Lord appeared to Abraham," but when he looks, he sees three men. Three men speaking as one suggest the Triune God. At other times, only one of the angels speaks to Abraham and he is referred to as "Lord." Only after Abraham is assured of the long-yearned for son (messianic foreshadowing), does he recognize that he is speaking to the Lord. Then he begins to intercede for Lot and Sodom.

Sara apparently did not know that she was hearing a divine announcement, certainly not in the way that the Virgin Mary knew at the Annunciation that she was hearing a word directly from God. Unlike Mary, Sara was not the direct recipient of the message.

When Isaac was born, Sara laughed again (Gen. 21:6). The Hebrew verb  “to laugh" has the initial צְחֹק (in a rare participial form). It refers to Sara's joyful laughter upon giving birth to a son. This suggests that the name Sara is also related to the African word saran, meaning joy. The word saran also is found in Hindi and refers to refuge. The child is named Isaac (Yitzak) which is related to the word for laughter. The Proto-Semitic root for laughter is dh.kh.k. The Ugaritic word for laughter is tzakhak.

Genesis 26:8 says that Yitzak was caressing his wife Rebecca. The word "caressing" is the Piel/intensive form of the word "laugh" so the verse suggests laughter upon laughter. "He laughs, was laughing intensively with his wife." Hebrew scholars suggest that this is a euphemism for having sex. That is a possible interpretation, yet the structure of laughter upon laughter suggests a connection to a source of joy beyond the physical pleasure of sex.


Related reading:  False Correlations; The Barren and Grieving Rejoice; The Social Structure of the Biblical Hebrew (Part 1); Abraham's Concubines

Wednesday, October 22, 2014

Biblical Evidence of an Old Earth


Alice C. Linsley

As discussed in Evidence of an Old Earth - Part 1, the Bible reveals a gap of time between the first created humans, represented by Adam and Eve, and the first rulers listed in Genesis 4 (Cain's line) and Genesis 5 (Seth's line). If Adam and Eve were created around 4 million years ago, and Cain and Seth lived around 3500 BC, that gap involves millions of years.

The age of the Earth is estimated at 4 billion years. The first archaic humans appeared suddenly on the Earth about 3.8 million years ago. The rulers of Genesis 4 (Cains' line) and Genesis 5 (Seth's line) lived during the Holocene Wet Period (the Neolithic Subpluvial) between 7500 and 3000 BC.

In Evidence for an Old Earth - Part 2, I presented but a very small portion of the evidence from archaeology and paleontology for the presence of humans of the Earth from 160,000+ years ago. (For more on this, see "Facts About Human Origins.")

It is clear from scientific analysis of the "begats" in Genesis 4 and 5 that these lists represent established royal lines that practiced endogamy (marriage between the lines). The lines of Cain and Seth intermarried according to a distinctive pattern involving two wives, as shown in the diagram below. This pattern can be traced throughout the Bible, so that there is no doubt that Jesus is a direct descendant of these early rulers.

Lamech Segment Analysis: Genesis 4 and Genesis 5
© 1998 Alice C. Linsley

Explanation of Symbols
O Female
Δ Male
= Marriage
/ Line of descent
_ Siblings

Note that Lamech's daughter Naamah married her patrilineal cousin Methuselah and named their first born son Lamech, after her father. This is called the "cousin bride's naming prerogative." This feature identifies the ruler-priests lines of the Bible, making it possible to trace the ancestry of Abraham, Moses, Samuel, David and Jesus back to these earliest Biblical rulers.

The oldest named rulers were Nilo-Saharan and Sahara-Nubian. Because this is so, often it is necessary to investigate these peoples and their languages and practices to understand very old material in the Bible. Consider the first three words of the Ten Commandments are: Anochi, Havayah Elohecha, meaning "I am God, your Ruler." The Talmud (Shabbat 105a) questions the word anochi (I) because it is an unusual form of the pronoun, as opposed to the more commonly used ani. The point of origin of this unusual pronoun is the Nile Valley. In the ancient Egyptian language anochi refers to the royal first person.

Hebrew does not have the letter V (see chart.) However the letter V, which appears in other Biblical words, is found in the Nilotic languages such as ancient Egyptian and Luo. An example is Havilah (Gen. 2:11), which refers to a region in the Upper Nile Valley. This is further evidence that the words Anochi Havayah are not originally Hebrew.

The word anochi is found among other African peoples also. Among the Igbo, anochie means “a replacer” or “to replace” and among the Ashante anokyi means "Ano Junior." In both cases, one finds the idea of succession from father to son, suggesting a royal line. A Nigerian reports that "anochie means 'direct heir to a throne'." The words Anoch and Enoch are clearly associated with royal ascendancy. They may also be related to the Biblical word Anakim (Gen. 23:2).

Cain married his patrilineal cousin, a daughter of Enoch. Enoch is a royal title and means "heir to the throne." Cain married into a royal house, a family to which he was related. Adam is the representative of the whole of created humanity in the Bible, but Enoch is the representative of the oldest known line of kings in the Bible. That may be why these two are paralleled in Psalm 8:4: What is man (Enoch) that you spare a thought for him, or the son of Man (ben' adam) that you care for him?

Cain and Seth were great rulers in Africa. Cain's territory probably extended between Kano and Nok in modern Nigeria. Seth or Seti is a name found among the ancient Nilotic rulers. Ta-Seti was one of 42 administrative divisions (nomes) along the Nile and is the earliest Nubian Kingdom, dating to 5,900 BC. So Cain and Seth were African rulers whose lines intermarried.

Further, as is evident from the diagram below, both rulers married daughters of another African royal house.



Again we find the cousin bride's naming prerogative. Cain and Seth married the daughters of Enoch, a royal title. Those daughters named their first born sons after their father. Clearly, Cain and Seth are not the literal sons of Adam and Eve, but rather their distant royal descendants.

Cain is also a royal title. The following words are related to the word Cain or Kain: King, Khan, Kandake (Candance in English Bibles), and the Greek for hunter - κυνηγος (kinigos). The kings of the archaic world were great hunters, like Nimrod, "a mighty hunter before the Lord" (Gen. 10:9). These "mighty men of old" are also called "nephilim" which comes from npyl in Aramaic, meaning "great one" and is equivalent to nfy in Arabic, meaning hunter.

By the time of Jude's epistle (c. 68 AD), Cain was solidly established as the archetype of an earthly ruler. Jude warns those who might abandon Christ because God punishes those who rebel against Him. He uses three men as examples: Cain, the ruler, Balaam, the prophet, and Korah, the priest. These were the three most sacred offices among Abraham’s people and often they were filled by people corrupted by the world.

Related reading: Theories of Creation: An Overview; The Genesis "Begats" Speak of Archaic Rulers, Jesus Christ; The Dispersion of Abraham's Kushite Ancestors; Kushite and Horite Rulers Linked; A Scientific Timeline of Genesis; On Gaps and Overlaps; Evidence of an Old Earth - Part 1; Evidence of an Old Earth - Part 2; Sodom, Gomorrah, and the Seismic History of the Dead Sea: Support for Biblical History – Yes! Support for a Young Earth – No!


Sunday, May 19, 2013

Questioning the Common Ancestry Hypothesis


Alice C. Linsley


Today I am simply sharing some thoughts and your comments are most welcome!


Language
The largest number of distinct phonemes is found in Africa. Fewer distinct phonemes are found the farther we move from Africa. This suggests that when it comes to human language evolution does not necessarily lead to greater complexity.

Genetic diversity
Africa is also where the greatest genetic diversity is found. There is less genetic diversity in populations farther from Africa. One would expect greater, not less diversity given the evolutionary models. The genome alignments of Neanderthal humans, Denisovan humans, and modern humans indicate little genetic differences.

Migration and dispersion
The movement of modern humans out of Africa poses a problem for the evolutionary view that over time there is greater complexity and diversity. How do you resolve this apparent contradiction?

Biblical ontology
In my mind, there is little doubt that evolution, as a population event, leads to speciation. The alignments of sequences when compared suggest the unity or oneness of biological life on Earth. I don't believe that the only explanation for this is common ancestry. It seems to me that the answer is Christ, by whom, in whom, and through whom all things were created. He is the ground of life and the Church's ontological answer to commonality. This is affirmed in John's Prologue. This is a metaphysical conception and therefore impossible to test as a hypothesis. We affirm this by faith.

Molecular genetics is about the business of testing the common ancestry hypothesis which makes sense given present models. I believe it is trust-worthy science based on sound methods. That said, I see a conflict with the Genesis picture of sudden population generation. We remember that Cain, the first ruler in the Bible, was building a city, and a city requires a population.

The population size models estimate an original population of about 10,000 in Africa, and Cain was a Proto-Saharan ruler, so the general geographical location is right, but we cannot on the basis of Genesis say that Cain's subjects represent the first human population. Indeed, it appears more that the so-called Apes of the South (Lucy and similar finds in Cameroon) were fully human, though anatomically archaic, and that they appeared rather suddenly and unheralded on the surface of the Earth about 4 million years ago.


Related reading: Biblical Anthropologists Discuss Darwin; Is Genesis Really About Human Origins?; Thomas Nagel: Neo-Darwinian Conception is False


Wednesday, March 27, 2013

Phoneme Study Pinpoints Origin of Modern Languages


Alice C. Linsley

Scientists agree that the point of origin of modern humans is Africa. Evidence in support of this theory is found in DNA studies, climate studies, and linguistics.



As early as 200,000 years ago humans began to move out of Africa. Another major movement came around 120,000 years ago. Subsequent movements happened between 80,000 and 70,000 years ago, and between 20,000-10,000 years ago. This last period involved Proto-Saharan Sumerians, Nilotes and Kushites. The most recent migration took place around 6000 years ago.

Genetic research indicates a common African ancestor for the Chinese about 80,000 years ago.

Quentin Atkinson of Auckland University in New Zealand believes that the point of origin of modern languages is somewhere in the southwest of Africa (the region of the Khoisan). The 2011 report, which appeared in Science, caused something of a sensation. Michael Cysouw published a commentary in Science which argues that this neat "Out-of-Africa" hypothesis for the origin of language is not adequately supported by the data presented. Atkinson's phoneme study can only be traced to about 10,000 years ago.


According to this theory, the phonemic complexity decreased as human populations dispersed farther from their point of origin in Africa. As can be seen in the map above, the further away from Africa a language is spoken, the fewer distinct phonemes it has.

Dr Atkinson believes that every language in the world developed from a prehistoric 'mother tongue' first spoken in Africa tens of thousands of years ago.
  • 500 languages traced back to Stone Age dialect
  • The further away from Africa a language is spoken, the fewer distinct sounds it has
  • English has around 46 sounds, while the San bushmen of South Africa use a staggering 200
  • Study finds speech evolved 'at least 100,000 years ago
The findings suggest that human speech was a reality at least 100,000 years ago, far earlier than previously thought.


Related reading: The Afro-Asiatic Dominion; A Scientific Timeline of Genesis; The Nile-Japan Ainu Connection; DNA Evidence of the Kushite Expansion; Is Hebrew an African Language?; Migrations Out of Africa

Friday, January 25, 2013

The Linguistic Methods of Chiekh Anta Diop


By Clyde Winters


Chiekh Anta Diop has contributed much to the Afrocentric social sciences. Here we discuss many of Diop's views on using the linguistic sciences to rediscover the ancient history of Blacks.

Chiekh Anta Diop has made important contributions to linguistic theory in relation to African historiography. Diop's work illustrates that it is important for scholars to maintain a focus on the historical and linguistic factors which define the "personnalitè culturelle africaine" (Diop 1991, 227).

Language is the sanctum sanctorum of Diop's Afrocentric historical method. The Diopian view of historiography combines the research of linguistics, history and psychology to interpret the cultural unity of African people.

C. Anta Diop is the founder of modern Afrocentricism . Diop (1974,1991) laid the foundations for the Afrocentric idea in education. He laid these foundations using both the historical and anthropological/linguistic methods of research to explain the role of the Blacks in World History.

There are three components in the genetic model: 1) common Physical type, 2) common cultural patterns and 3) genetically related languages. (Winters 1989a) Diop over the years has brought to bear all three of these components in his illumination of Kemetic civilization. (Diop 1974,1977,1978,1991)

The opposition of many Eurocentric scholars to Afrocentric -ism results from white hostility to Diop's idea of a Black Egypt, and the view that Egyptians spoke an African, rather than Afro-Asiatic language.

Recently, Eurocentric American scholars have alleged to write reviews of Diop's recent book (Diop 1991). Although these reviewers mention the work of Diop in their articles, they never review his work properly, because they lack the ability to understand the many disciplines that Diop has mastered.(Lefkowitz 1992; Baines 1991)

For example Lefkowitz (1992) in The New Republic, summarizes

Diop (1974) but never presents any evidence to dispute the findings of Diop. The most popular "review" of Diop (1991) was done by Baines (1991) review in the New York Times Book Review. In this "review" Baines (1991) claims that "...the evidence and reasoning used to support the arguments are often unsound".

Instead of addressing the evidence Diop (1991) presents of the African role in the rise of civilization that he alleges is "unsound", he is asking the reader to reject Diop's thesis without refutation of specific evidence presented by Diop of the

African contributions to Science and Philosophy. Baines (l991) claims that Diop's Civilization or Barbarism is not a work of originality, yet he fails to dispute any factual evidence presented by Diop.

Baines (1991) wants the public to accept his general negative comments about Civilization or Barbarism, based on the fact that he is an Egyptologist. This is not enough, in academia. To refute a thesis one must present counter evidence that proves the falseness of a thesis not unsubstantiated rhetoric. We can not accept the negative views of Baines on faith alone.

In the recovery of information concerning the African past, Diop promotes semantic anthropology, comparative linguistics and the study of Onomastics. The main thesis of Diop is that typonymy and ethnonymy of Africa point to a common cradle for Paleo-Africans in the Nile Valley (Diop 1978, 67).

Onomastics is the science of names. Diop has studied legends, place names and religious cult terms to discover the unity of African civilization. Diop (1981, 86) observed that:

"An undisputed linguistic relationship between two geographically remote groups of languages can be relevant for the study of migrations. A grammatical (or genetic) relationship if clear enough is never an accident".

As a result, Diop has used toponyms (place names), anthroponyms (personal names) and ethnonyms (names of ethnic groups/tribes) to explain the evidence of analogous ethnic (clan) names in West Africa and the Upper Nile (Diop 1991).

In Precolonial Black Africa, Diop used ethnonyms to chart the migrations of African people in West Africa. And in The African Origin of Civilization, Diop used analyses acculturaliste or typological analysis to study the origin and spread of African cultural features from the Nile Valley to West Africa through his examination of toponyms (Diop 1974, 182-183). In the Cultural Unity of Black Africa, Diop discussed the common totems and religious terms many African ethnic groups share (Diop 1978, 124).


LINGUISTIC TAXONOMY

This linguistic research has been based on linguistic classification or taxonomy. Linguistic taxonomy is the foundation upon which comparative and historical linguistic methods are based (Ruhlen 1994). Linguistic taxonomy is necessary for the identification of language families. The determination of language families give us the material to reconstruct the proto-language of a people and discover regular sound correspondences.

There are three major kinds of language classifications: genealogical, typological, and areal. A genealogical classifica-tion groups languages together into language families based on the shared features retained by languages since divergence from the common ancestor or proto-language. An areal classification groups languages into linguistic areas based on shared features acquired by a process of convergence arising from spatial proximity. A typological classification groups languages together into language types by the similarity in the appearance of the structure of languages without consideration of their historical origin and present, or past geographical distribution.


COMPARATIVE METHOD

Diop has used comparative and historical linguistics to illuminate the Unity of African civilization. Diop (1977, xxv) has noted that

"The process for the evolution of African languages is clearly apparent; from a far we (have) the idea that Wolof is descendant by direct filiation to ancient Egyptian, but the Wolof, Egyptian and other African languages (are) derived from a common mother language that one can call Paleo-African, the common mother language that one can call Paleo-African, the common African or the Negro-African of L. Homburger or of Th. Obenga."

The comparative method is used by linguists to determine the relatedness of languages, and to reconstruct earlier language states. The comparative linguist has two major goals (1) trace the history of language families and reconstruct the mother language of each family, and (2) determine the forces which affect language. In general, comparative linguists are interested in determining phonetic laws, analogy/ correspondence and loan words.

Diop is a strong supporter of the comparative method in the rediscovery of Paleo-African. The reconstruction of Paleo-African involves both reconstruction and recognition of regular sound correspondence. The goal of reconstruction is the discovery of the proto-language of African people is the recovery of Paleo-African:

(1) vowels and consonants

(2) specific Paleo-African words

(3) common grammatical elements; and

(4) common syntactic elements.

The comparative method is useful in the reconstruction of Proto-languages or Diop's Paleo-African. To reconstruct a proto-language the linguist must look for patterns of correspondences. Patterns of correspondence is the examination of terms which show uniformity. This uniformity leads to the inference that languages are related since uniformity of terms leads to the inference that languages are related since conformity of terms in two or more languages indicate they came from a common ancestor.


HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS

A person's language provides us with evidence of the elements of a group's culture. Diop has noted that reconstruction of Paleo-African terms can help us make inferences about a group's culture going backwards in time to an impenetrable past undocumented by written records. This is semantic anthropology, a linguistic approach which seeks to discover aspects of man's culture from his language. Thusly, linguistic resemblances can help the anthropologist make precise inferences about a groups culture elements.

Linguistic resemblances denote a historical relationship. This suggest that resemblances in fundamental vocabulary and culture terms can help one reconstruct the culture of the speakers of genetically related languages.


LINGUISTIC CONSTANCY

The rate at which languages change is variable. It appears that linguistic change is culture specific. Consequently, the social organization and political culture of a particular speech community can influence the speed at which languages change.

Based on the history of language change in Europe most linguists believe that the rate of change for all languages is both rapid and constant.(Diagne, 1981,p.238) The idea that all languages change rapidly is not valid for all the World's languages.

African languages change much slower than European languages. (Armstrong, 1962) For example, African vocabulary items collected by Arab explorers over a thousand years ago are analogous to contemporary lexical items.(Diagne,1981, p.239) In addition there are striking resemblances between the ancient Egyptian language and Coptic, and Pharonic Egyptian and African languages.(Diagne, 1981; Diop, 1977; Obenga, 1993)

The political stability of African political institutions has caused languages to change very slowly in Africa. Pawley and Ross (1993) argue that a sedentary life style may account for the conservative nature of a language.

African oral traditions and the eye witness accounts of travelers to Africa, make it clear that African empires although made up of diverse nationalities illustrated continuity. To accomodate the plural nature of African empires Africans developed a Federal system of government. (Niane , 1984) In fact we can not really describe ancient African state systems as empires, since this implies absolute rule or authority in a single individual. This political state of affairs rarely existed in ancient Africa, because in each African speech community local leadership was elected by the people within the community. (Diop, 1987) For example the Egyptians often appointed administrators over the conquered territories from among the conquered people. (Diop ,1991)

The continuity of many African languages may result from the steady state nature of African political systems, and long standing cultural stability since neolithic times. (Diop, 1991; Winters 1985) This cultural stability has affected the speed at which African languages change.

In Africa due to the relative stability of socio-political structures and settled life, there has not been enough pressure exerted on African societies as a whole and African speech communities in particular, to cause radical internal linguistic changes within most African languages. Permanent settlements led to a clearly defined system of inheritance and royal succession. These traits led to stability on both the social and political levels.

This leads to the hypothesis that linguistic continuity exist in Africa due to the stability of African socio-political structures and cultural systems. This relative cultural stability has led African languages to change more slowly then European and

Asian languages. Diop (1974) observed that:

First the evolution of languages, instead of moving everywhere at the same rate of speed seems linked to other factors; such as , the stability of social organizations or the opposite, social upheavals. Understandably in relatively stable societies man's language has changed less with the passage of time.(pp.153-154)

There is considerable evidence which supports the African continuity concept. Dr. Armstrong (1962) noted the linguistic continuity of African languages when he used glottochronology to test the rate of change in Yoruba. Comparing modern Yoruba words with a list of identical terms collected 130 years ago by Koelle , Dr. Armstrong found little if any internal or external changes in the terms. He concluded that:

I would have said that on this evidence African languages are changing with glacial slowness, but it seems to me that in a century a glacier would have changed a lot more than that. Perhaps it would be more in order to say that these languages are changing with geological slowness. (Armstrong, 1962, p.285).

Diop's theory of linguistic constancy recognizes the social role language plays in African language change. Language being a variable phenomena has as much to do with a speaker's society as with the language itself. Thus social organization can influence the rate of change within languages. Meillet (1926, 17) wrote that:

Since language is a social institution it follows that linguistics is a social science, and the only variable element to which one may appeal in order to account for a linguistic change is social change, of which language variations are but the consequences.


THE BLACK AFRICAN ORIGIN OF EGYPT

Diop has contributed much to African linguistics. He was a major proponent of the Dravidian-African relationship (Diop 1974, 116), and the African substratum in Indo-European languages in relationship to cacuminal sounds and terms for social organiza-tion and culture (1974, 115). Diop (1978, 113) also recognized that in relation to Arabic words, after the suppression of the first consonant, there is often an African root.

Diop's major linguistic effort has been the classification of Black African and Egyptian languages . Up until 1977 Diop'smajor area of interest were morphological and phonological similarities between Egyptian and Black African languages. Diop (1977, 77-84) explains many of his sound laws for the Egyptian-Black African connection.

In Parènte Génétique de l'Egyptien pharraonique et des Langues Négro Africaines (PGEPLNA), Diop explains in some detail

his linguistic views in the introduction of this book. In PGEPLNA , Diop demonstrates the genetic relationship between ancient Egyptian and the languages of Black Africa. Diop provides thousands of cognate Wolof and Egyptian terms in support of his Black African-Egyptian linguistic relationship.


PALEO-AFRICAN

African languages are divided into Supersets (i.e., a family of genetically related languages, e.g., Niger-Congo) sets, and subsets. In the sets of African languages there are many parallels between phonological terms, eventhough there may be an arbitrary use of consonants which may have a similar sound. The reason for these changes is that when the speakers of Paleo-African languages separated, the various sets of languages underwent separate developments. As a result a /b/ sound in one language may be /p/ or /f/ in a sister language. For example, in African languages the word for father may be baba , pa or fa, while in the Dravidian languages we have appan to denote father.

Diop has noted that reconstruction of Paleo-African terms can help us make inferences about an ethnic group's culture going backwards in time to an impenetrable past undocumented by written records. This is semantic anthropology, a linguistic approach which seeks to discover aspects of man's culture from his language. Thusly, linguistic resemblances can help the anthropologists make precise inferences about a linguistic group's cultural elements.


BLACKS IN WEST ASIA

In PGEPLNA Diop makes clear his views on the role of African languages in the rise of other languages. Using archaeological evidence Diop makes it clear that the original West Asians: Elamites and Sumerians were of Black origin (1974, 1977, xxix-xxxvii).

Diop (1974, 1991) advocates the unity of Black Africans

and Blacks in West Asia. Winters (1985,1989,1994) has elaborated on the linguistic affinity of African and West Asian languages.

This view is supported by linguistic evidence. For example these languages share demonstrative bases:

Proximate Distant Finite

Dravidian i a u

Manding i a u

Sumerian bi a

Wolof i a u

The speakers of West Asian and Black African languages also share basic culture items:

Chief city, village black, burnt

Dravidian cira, ca uru kam

Elamite Salu

Sumerian Sar ur

Manding Sa furu kami,"charcoal'

Nubia sirgi mar

Egyptian Sr mer kemit

Paleo-African *sar *uru *kam


OBENGA

Obenga (1978) gives a phonetic analysis of Black African and Egyptian. He illustrates the genetic affinity of consonants within the Black African (BA) and Egyptian languages especially the occlusive bilateral sonorous, the occlusive nasal apico-dental /n/ and /m/ , the apico-alveolar /r/ and the radical

proto-form sa: 'man, female, posterity' in Black Africa.

Language

Agaw asau, aso 'masculine

Sidama asu 'man'

Oromo asa id.

Caffino aso id.

Yoruba so 'produce'

Meroitic s' man

Fonge sunu id.

Bini eso 'someone'

Kikongo sa,se,si 'father'

Swahili (m)zee 'old person'

Egyptian sa 'man'

Manding si,se 'descendant,posterity,family'

Azer se 'individual, person'

Obenga (1978) also illustrated the unity between the verbs 'to come, to be, to arrive':

Language

Egyptian ii, ey Samo, Loma dye

Mbosi yaa Bisa gye

Sidama/Omo wa Wolof nyeu

Caffino wa Peul yah, yade

Yoruba wa Fonge wa

Bini ya Mpongwe bya

Manding ya,dya Swahili (Ku)ya

between t =/= d, highlight the alternation patterns of many Paleo-African consonants including b =/= p, l =/= r ,and

g =/= k.

The Egyptian term for grain is 0 sa #. This corresponds to many African terms for seed, grain:

Galla senyi

Malinke se , si

Sumerian se

Egyptian sen 'granary'

Kannanda cigur

Bozo sii

Bambara sii

Daba sisin

Somali sinni

Loma sii

Susu sansi

Oromo sanyi

Dime siimu

Egyptian ssr 'corn'

id. ssn 'lotus plant'

id. sm 'herb, plant'

id. isw 'weeds'


In conclusion, Diop has done much to encourage the African recovery of their history. His theories on linguistics has inspired many African scholars to explain and elaborate the African role in the history of Africa and the world. This has made his work important to our understanding of the role of Black people in History.



REFERENCES

Armstrong, R.G. (1962). Glottochronology and African linguistics. Journal of African History,3(2), 283-290.

Baines, J. (1991, August 11). Was civilization made in Africa? The New York Times Review of Books, 12-13.

Bynon,T. (1978). Historical linguistics. London: Cambridge University Press.

Crawley,T. 1992. An Introduction to Historical Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Delafosse,M. (1901). La Langue Mandigue. Paris.

Diagne, P. (1981). In J. Ki-Zerbo (Ed.), General history of Africa I: Methodology and African prehistory (233-260). London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd.

Diop, C.A. (1974). The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality. Westport, Conn.:Lawrence Hill and Company.

Diop, C.A. (1977). Parentè gènètique de l'Egyptien Pharaonique et des languues Negro-Africaines. Dakar: Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire.

Diop, C.A. (1978). Precolonial Black Africa. Wesport, Conn. :Lawrence Hill and Company.

Diop, C.A. 1981. A methodology for the study of migrations. In African Ethnonyms and Toponyms, by UNESCO. (Unesco: Paris) 86--110.

Diop, C.A. (1991). Civilization or Barbarism. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Lawrence Hill Books.

Dweyer, D.J. (1989). 2. Mande. In John Bendor-Samuel (Ed.), The Niger-Congo Languages (47-65). New York: University Press of America.

Ehret,C. (1988). Language change and the material correlates of language and ethnic shift. Antiquity, 62, 564-574.

Ehret,C. & Posnansky (Eds.). (1982). The Archaeological and linguistic reconstruction of African history. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hock,H.H. (1988). Principles of historical linguistics. Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter.

Labov,W.(1965). The social motivation of a sound change. Word, 19, 273-309.

Labov., W. (1972). The internal evolution of linguistic rules. In Stokwell, R.P. and Macaulay, R.K.S. (eds.) Linguistic change and generative theory (101-171). Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Lefkowitz, M. (1992, February 10). Not out of Africa. The New Republic, 29-36.

Mbiti, J.S. 1970. African religions and Philosophy. Garden City: Anchor Press.

Meillet, A. 1926. Introduction à l'etude comparatif des languages Indo-Europeennes. Paris.

Moitt, B. (1989) Chiekh Anta Diop and the African diaspora: Historical continuity and socio-cultural symbolism. Presence Africaine, 149/150, 347-360.

Pawley,A. & Ross,M. (1993). Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history. Annual Review of Anthropology, 22, 425-459.

McIntosh, S. K. & McIntosh, R. (1983). Forgotten Tells of Mali. Expedition, 35-47.

Niane, D.T.(Ed.). (1984). Introduction. General History of Africa IV (1-14). London: Heinemann Educational Books.

Obenga,T. (1978). The genetic relationship between Egyptian (ancient Egyptian and Coptic) and modern African languages. In

UNESCO (Ed.), The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of the Meroitic script (65-72). Paris: UNESCO.

Obenga, T. (1993). Origine commune de l'Egyptien Ancien du Copte et des langues Negro-Africaines Modernes. Paris: Editions L'Harmattan.

Lord, R. (1966). Comparative Linguistics. London: St. Paul's House.

Olderogge, L. (1981). Migrations and ethnic and linguistic differentiations. In J. Ki-Zerbo (Ed.),General History of Africa I: Methodology and African History (271-278). Paris: UNESCO.

Robins, R.H. (1974). General Linguistics. Bloomington: Indiana State University Press.

Ruhlen, M. 1994. The origin of language. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Welmers, W. (1968). Niger Congo-Mande. In T.A. Sebeok (Ed.), Current Trends in Linguistics, 7,113-140.

Williams, B. (1987). The A-Group Royal Cemetery at Qustul:Cemetery L. Chicago: Oriental Institute, University of Chicago Press.

Winters, C.A. (1985). The Proto-Culture of the Dravidians, Manding and Sumerians.Tamil Civilization,3(1), 1-9.

Winters, C.A. (1986). The Migration routes of the Proto-Mande. The Mankind Quarterly,27(1), 77-96.

Winters, C.A. 1989. Tamil, Sumerian, Manding and the genetic model. International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, 18 (1), 98-127.

Winters, C.A. (1994). Afrocentrism: A valid frame of reference. Journal of Black Studies, 25 (2), 170-190.

Yurco, F. 1989. Were the ancient Egyptians Black? Biblical Archaeology.


Related reading:  What Color was Abraham?; Recovering the African Background of Genesis; The Nilotic Substrata of Genesis 1; The Bible and the Question of Race; The Proto-Elamite Script; Is Hebrew an African Language?


Saturday, June 23, 2012

El Castillo Rock Art in Perspective

Alice C. Linsley



The debate over whether the cave paintings in Spain and France were done by "modern humans" or "Neanderthals" has sprung up again. As usual, the media filters the data through a Darwinian sieve and the public is left in confusion.

The BBC news reports that the oldest cave painting is a red sphere at El Castillo. In fact there are many red spheres or dots on the walls at El Castillo.  The spherical motif is probably the oldest produced by humans and likely represents the sun, moon, stars and constellations. The image below could represent lunar phases. Compare the two images below.





Prehistoric antlar bone found in Southwest France





Other caves include the images of hands and animals. About 25 handprints, made by blowing red ochre dust over a hand pressed against the wall, date to about 37,300 years old. An image of a bison overlays the hands and was painted later. Other cave paintings include horses, though these were painted somewhat later.

The El Castillo cave paintings date to when human populations moved from Africa into Europe about 41,000 to 45,000 years ago. By comparison, the oldest known cave paintings at Gilf Kebir in the Sahara date to about 6000 BC.  Before the Sahara became arid, a sizeable community lived on this vast sandstone plateau near the Egyptian-Libyan border, about 400 miles from the Nile. When the climate changed, people migrated north into Europe and east to the Nile Valley.

Rock paintings in the Sudan, dating to 3000 BC have been exposed to the elements, unlike the paintings at El Castillo and France's Chauvet cave (32,000 and 37,000 years). The Sudan rock paintings indicate fishing, such as evidenced at the Khormusan sites of ancient Nubia (65,000 and 55,000 years) where an abundance of fish and wild game bones were found.

It is likely that humans were making such paintings in Africa, but the art has not survived or yet been discovered. The continuing discovery of African monuments such as Eredo and many ancient pyramids contributes to the picture of archaic human industry and imagination. The vertical sided ditches of Eredo go around the area for 100 miles and rise 70 feet. The recently discovered pyramids of Zinder (Niger) are believed to date to the time of the pyramids of Egypt.

Aboriginal rock art at Narwal Gabarnmang in northern Australia dates to 28,000 years old, but a stone axe found at the site is 35,000 years old. University of Southern Queensland archaeologist Bryce Barker says there is evidence that the cave had first been in human use about 45,000 years ago.


Narwal Gabarnmang rock shelter



Carolyn Moynihan, deputy editor of MercatorNet, has written:

"Exactly how humanity expressed itself is less important in the end than the fact that there is a human mind and soul behind the decorated tools or rock paintings. Writing about the bad press “cavemen” were getting nearly a century ago (in his 1921 short story, "The Grisly Folk," H G Wells had portrayed them as savage and barbaric creatures who deserved their fate of extinction) G K Chesterton observed that, deep as the explorer had to go to find the pictures of reindeer drawn on cave walls by ancient man, he would have to go a long way further to find a picture of man drawn by a reindeer."

Arguing about whether the El Castillo cave paintings were done by "modern humans" or Neanderthals is a waste of time and energy. Neanderthals were human and they bred with other human populations. The Neanderthal genome has been sequenced. Early comparisons indicate that humans and Neanderthals are practically identical at the protein level.


Related reading: 3000 BC Sudan Rock Paintings; Getting the Facts About Human Origins; DNA Studies and Ancient Rock Paintings of Horses

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

Kushite Gold



Alice C. Linsley


A Nilo-Saharan ruler by the name of "Kush" (Cush) is first mentioned in the Bible as the father of Nimrod and Ramah. Kush and his sons were rulers who controlled the water ways in their territories. The rivers were used to transport cargo and supplied the necessary water for mining industries. Kush was famous for gold, a fact to which Genesis alludes when speaking of the river Pishon that flowed through the land of Ha'vilah, where there is gold (Gen. 2:11). Another African river is the Gihon which wound through the land of Kush (Gen. 2:13).

For the Kushites gold symbolized the Sun, the emblem of the Creator. The Creator's appointment of rulers is depicted by a solar image on or over their heads, as seen on this bust found in Nigeria.



Hathor is depicted as being overshadowed by the Sun. This indicted that she is appointed to bring forth Horus, the son of Ra. Ra was sometimes referred to as a "mountain of gold." Horus is called the Golden One" and is depicted as a falcon perched on the mast of Ra's solar boat or with golden rays of the Sun on his head. Similar solar imagery is found wherever the Kushites dispersed.

The gold mines of Kush were described by the Greek author Diodorus Siculus. He mentions fire-setting as a method used to break down the hard rock. The same method is used today in Africa to extract gem crystals from the hot rock over which buckets of water are poured repeatedly and in quick succession to cause rapid cooling.

The ore was then ground to a fine powder before washing. The process required a substantial source of water, such a river. Mining operations found in desert areas suggest that there was more water during the time of the Kushite expansion.

Genesis 10 speaks of the migration of the Kushites into Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Bactria where they are called "Kushan." This is one of the later migrations out of Africa, between 4000 and 1500 BC.

Nimrod is noted in Genesis 10 as one of the Kushite kingdom builders. He and his brother Ramah were the sons of Kush. Both moved out of the Nile Valley to establish territories; Ramah in Arabia and Nimrod along the Euphrates in Mesopotamia.

The Kushite rulers were a highly organized and militaristic. They ruled of territories consisting of numerous clans and castes. The marriage and ascendancy pattern of their rulers drove their expansion into new territories. They were skilled in hunting, combat, sailing, astronomy and metal working. Their rulers controlled the major water systems and founded early mining industries along the Nile and in southern Israel.

As Robert Morkot notes in his book The Black Pharoahs, the Upper and Lower Nile regions were first united by sub-Saharan Nilotes. The Subsequent history of Egypt was largely based on the religious and social practies of the Upper Nile. We see this as late as Amenhotep III. He ruled Nubia, Libya, Gaza and Syria in the 18th Dynasty (BC. 1382 -1350).  His name means "peace of Amen." In the Upper Nile,
Amen, a name for God was favored over the name Set, which was favored in the Delta. It was during the 18th dynasty that the title 'King's Son of Kush' was first used.

The first rulers of a unified Nile Valley were Upper Nilotes. The Biblical prophets group Mizraim (Egypt) and Kush (Upper Nile/Sudan/Ethiopia) together because the Lower and Upper Nile regions were first unified by the Kushite ruler Menes (Meni) around 3000 BC. Whether Menes was Narmer or Ahauiti, his unification of the Upper and Lower Nile established him as the founder of a new House/Dynasty. This remained the case even after Mentuhotep II reunited Egypt after the 1st Intermediate Period. Instead of being recognized as the founder of a new House, Mentuhotep II was considered a ruler of the 11th Dynasty.

Another Kushite ruler was called K-ash-ta, meaning "the Throne of Kush." The Saharan origins of the rulers of Egypt has been well documented by the Canadian archeologist Mary McDonald.

Biblical Kush was a vast region that included Egypt, Sudan, Nubia, the coastal areas of the Horn of Africa, and the Afro-Arabian populations living in Ramah, Sheba and Dedan. DNA studies show "genetic unity and linkage" between the Sudanic, Egyptian, Nubian and other Nilotic peoples, as well as some populations of the Horn of Africa. (Yurco (1996), Keita (1993, 2004, 2005) Lovell (1999), Zakrewski (2003, 2007). The Copts are one of the oldest Egyptian populations. This is based on the relatively high frequency of the B-M60 marker, indicating early pre-dynastic colonization of Egypt by Nilotes.


Kushite Mining Operations

In 2007, archaeologists from the Oriental Institute discovered a 4000 year gold-processing center along the middle Nile in the Sudan. The site is called Hosh el-Guruf and is located about 225 miles from Khartoum. More than 55 grinding stones made of granite-like gneiss were found at the site. The ore was ground to recover the gold and the water was used to separate the flakes from the particle residue. Similar grinding stones have been found in Egypt and at Timnah in southern Israel.

The oldest mines at Timnah are at least 6,000 years old. The miners at Timnah recovered turquoise and copper. They followed ore veins underground and created shafts with stone chiseling tools. These galleries spread in all directions, following the ore. The mines were worked by Kushite metal working clans between 2000 to 1500 BC. Ancient rock carvings showing Kushite warriors in chariots, holding axes and shields have been found in the area. A temple dedicated to Hathor was discovered at the southwestern edge of Mt. Timnah by Professor Beno Rothenberg of Hebrew University. In his book Timna, Rothenberg concluded that the peoples living in the area were "partners not only in the work but in the worship of Hathor." (Timna, p. 183)


The Kushites Reflect Proto-Saharan Burial Practices


Workmen clear the surface of a second-millennium cemetery discovered by Geoff Emberling's team. The site is now flooded by a massive dam. 
(Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition)


Geoff Emberling, Director of the Oriental Institute Museum and a co-leader of the expedition that discovered the gold working operation at Hosh el-Guruf, reported that his team also discovered a cemetery with Kushite artifacts at the nearby site al-Widay. These included high-status pottery vessels that appear to have been made at Kerma, about 225 miles away.

Kerma was one of the most important centers of ancient Kush. Excavations at Kerma have uncovered a walled town surrounding a monumental mud-brick temple. In a royal cemetery to the east, four massive grave tumuli contained several hundred human remains. The remains were surrounded by thousands of cattle skulls. This was a common burial practice among to the Proto-Saharan peoples.

The cemetery near Hosh el-Guruf included 90 closely packed stone circles. The covered shafts were circular and lined with stones, a typical feature of the Pan Graves of Proto-Saharan nobility. Pan Grave cemeteries have been found at a number of sites in Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia. These graves are associated with the Beja, an ancient metal working people of the Sahara. The Egyptians called them "Medjayu." They brought gold to Egypt from mines deep in the heartland of Nubia and Kush. At the Temple at Dendur in Nubia the sons of a local Beja chieftain, Pedisi and Pihor, are honored. Ped-isi refers to Hathor who was later called Isis, and Pi-hor refers to Horus.

In the first room of the Dendur temple, reliefs show the ruler praying. The middle room was used for offering ceremonies and the inner most room was the sanctuary of Hathor. The only carvings in these two rooms are around the door frame leading into the sanctuary and on the back wall of the sanctuary. These show Pihor worshiping Isis and Pedesi worshiping Horus.


The Kushite Cities of Kerma, Nekhen, and Akkad


Temple precinct of Kerma

The oldest layer of occupation at Hosh el-Guruf dates to the later Neolithic period (ca. 4000-3000 BC.) and corresponds to the urban center at Nekhen, the shrine city of Horus. His mother, Hathor, was venerated as the patroness of metal workers. The Kushite center at Kerma, by comparison, dates from 2450-2000 BC.

The rulers of Nekhen had access to sub-Saharan the mineral resources of the eastern desert. The high quality of the gold work at Nekhen is evidenced by the discovery of this gold plumed falcon representing Horus.



The mining center at Hosh el-Guruf and the nearby cemetery document the sub-Saharan kingdom of Kush, but the book of Genesis provides the most significant information about the Kushite expansion into Arabia, Canaan and Mesopotamia. It tells us that Kushite rulers moved out of Africa and became established in distant regions. Nimrod, a son of Kush, is mentioned as a specific example. The center of his kingdom was Akkad in Mesopotamia and the script of his kingdom was Akkadian.

Genesis helps us to connect the dots historically.  Unfortunately, many archaeologists ignore such valuable information. The result is a great deal of mis-information such as this statement by Emberling: “The Kingdom of Kush was unusual in that it was able to use the tools of power—military and governance—without having a system of writing, an extensive bureaucracy or numerous urban centers.”

Emberling adds to this distorted picture with this statement: “Studying Kush helps scholars have a better idea of what statehood meant in an ancient context outside such established power centers of Egypt and Mesopotamia.” Statehood would have been a foreign notion to the Kushites.  They were empire builders and the evidence points to the power centers of Egypt and Mesopotamia as owing a great debt to the Kushites.


The Linguistic Connection

The Afro-Asiatic languages have four geographical groups: northern peripheral, northern central, southern central, and southern peripheral. Akkadian and Amorite are in the northern peripheral group. The northern central group includes the ancient Canaanite, Ugaritic, ancient and modern Syriac and Hebrew, Moabite, Old Aramaic, Amorite, and Phoenician and its Punic dialect. The southern central region includes Arabic, Maltese, and the archaic Oasis North Arabian dialects, some of the earliest attested belonging to the group. The southern peripheral region includes South Arabian dialects and the languages of northern Ethiopia.

GOLD

Ancient Egyptian - nub
Akkadian - dahh-ubu
Arabic - dha-hab
Hebrew - za-hab

Gold was associated with Horus, whose emblem was the sun. This is evident in the Babylonian word for gold hur-asu.  The Egyptian hr means "the One on high." The Turin Canon, which provides important information on Egypt's early history, describes the Predynastic rulers as "Followers of Horus" and Horus as the "Ruler of the Two Horizons."

The ancient Egyptians observed the death of Horus (Osirus) in a 5-day festival. The first 3 days were marked by solemnity and fasting, as Plutarch noted in Isis and Osiris, 69.  His death on the 17th of Athyr was commemorated by the planting of grain. On the third day, the 19th of Athyr, there was feasting to celebrate Horus’ rising to life. It is no coincidence that Jesus alludes to the ancient Horite myth when informing his disciples of his impending death.  He said, "I tell you the truth, unless a kernel of wheat falls to the ground and dies, it remains only a single seed. But if it dies, it produces many seeds." (John 12:24)  In referring to himself as the "Seed" Jesus alludes to the promise God made to Abraham's Edenic ancestors that the Seed of the Woman would one day crush the serpent's head and restore paradise (Gen. 3:15).

Tuesday, May 8, 2012

The Nile-Japan Ainu Connection


Alice C. Linsley


The following is a fascinating conversation about the Ainu with Judith Hishikawa, a former volunteer for missions with the Episcopal Church in Japan. She graduated from Middlebury College with High Honors in Anthropology-Sociology. Her honors thesis was on North American Trickster Myths.

We began the conversation after she read an article that mentions the Ainu at Biblical Anthropology on “The Bible and the Question of Race.” Judith contacted with some questions about the Ainu. She is familiar with the Ainu of Japan, but was not familiar with the possible connections to Nilotic ancestors, specifically to the Horite Hebrew, a caste of royal priests devoted to Ra and his son Horus.

Parallels between the Ra-Horus-Hathor narrative and the Messianic Faith have been noted here. It is interesting that the Japanese word for Christ is Harisutosu.


Judith,

If Abraham's Ainu ancestors spread far and wide as Genesis 10 reports, we would expect them to be an early stock from which many other peoples come. This has been confirmed by Luigi Cavalli-Sforza's genetic distance studies which places the Ainu at the center.

The Ainu originated in the Nile Valley and migrated eastward as far as Japan and northward to Finland. From Finland, they cross through Greenland and Labrador to the eastern seaboard of Canada. Today many Ainu descendants live in the fishing communities of northeast Canada. They are also known to be excellent hunters.

The Matagi hunters of the Tōhoku region of northern Japan have much in common with the bear cult of the Ainu. When I think of hunting, I recall two of Abraham's ancestors who were remembered for their hunting prowess: Nimrod, the son of Kush, and Esau who was said to be hairy and red.

The Arawa hunters in Niger and of ancient Kush are called maharba. This is the same word used for hunter among the Maori Arawa.

My Ainu friend from Canada tells me that the Ainu have a red skin tone and are bearded. Some have green eyes. The red skin hue may appear as rosey cheeks or a reddish tone over tanned skin like that of Egyptians who work in the sun (I Sam. 16:12; 17:42). King David was described as having this red skin tone. The Hebrew word for red or ruddy is edom. Edom is equivalent to the Hausa odum, meaning red-brown and to the word Adam, the first man formed from the red clay which washed down to the Upper Nile Valley from the Ethiopian highlands.

Abraham means “burnt father” and refers to his reddish skin color. In Arabic, the word ham means burnt. The Nilotic peoples were referred to burnt because they had a reddish skin tone.


Best wishes,

Alice C. Linsley




Alice,

What about a connection with early people living in the north of Europe? The early Finnish were bear-worshippers like the Ainu of Japan.

None of the Ainu I knew seemed reddish in hue, as I recall. Although the Ainu I met in Hokkaido in the 1960's on a church work camp were not pure Ainu. As a volunteer for missions, we were helping rebuild an Ainu church.

In Japan, the Japanese I talked to thought of the Ainu as Caucasian in appearance. Ainu have angular faces, paler skin, deep eye sockets, are hairy, and hunted. Not Buddhist at all. They are often referred to in literature as the "hairy Ainu." Their faces contrast with the smooth, rounded, less hairy Asian faces of southern Japanese, many of whom can't grow a full beard. My brother-in-law, a Shinto Priest at Ise Shrine, was from Aomori Prefecture in Northern Honshu. He didn't look "Japanese" at all. He looked very Ainu with his square angular face, full mustache, sunken eyes and pale skin. I bet he was in that haploid group mentioned. The Ainu were once settled in Northern Honshu, but were later driven out to Hokkaido across the straits. Zenichiro Oniisan burned readily in the summer sun, and always wore a hat.

Regards,

Judith Hishikawa






Judith,

The Ainu of Japan and the Ainu who crossed into North America through Finland, Greenland and Labrador are in the same haplogroup. In the northern climates the bear appears to have been their totem, but in the Nile, their totem was probably the lion.

The red skin tone is not always pronounced, but other characteristics, such as beards, distinctive headwear and decorative motifs on the robes are evident among all the Ainu men. Compare these photos.

Ainu of Eastern Canada

Ainu elder of Hokkaido Japan


The Ainu are in mtDNA haplogroup X. The dispersion of haplogroup X is shown below. The greatest concentrations are indicated by the darker shade. MtDNA traces lineage by the mitochondria, received from the mothers.




Note the small dot in Southern Siberia.  This is the only known archaic HgX population in that entire region, indicating that the Ainu did not come to North America across the Bering Strait.

Best wishes,
Alice





Alice,

Also, about the Ainu motifs, these share traits with the motifs of the Northwest Coast peoples and the Maori.


Regards,
Judith





Judith,

That doesn’t surprise me. Those motifs are similar also to those found among the fishing communities in Eastern Canada, Labrador and Greenland. That is where the Ainu crossed over to North America from Finland, and originally from the Nile Valley.

A friend from Niger recently called to my attention to the discover of twin pyramids in Tanout Niger.  He said that in discussion about Hausa origins the connection between the Arawa of Niger and the Arawa-Maori of New Zealand was noted. He explained that the Songhaï (Zarma) people are called called "Maori" in Niger and both groups of Arawa claim a common ancestor named "Tama."  He notes also that the names of many Maori towns sound Hausa example: Arawa, Gizo, Buka etc.

It is reasonable to speculate that a confederation of Ar clans traveled across the seas.  Genesis 10 speaks of the clans of Ar who controlled the Red Sea and the Mediterranean island kingdoms of Tyre and Arvad. These were seafaring people. This appears to be a typical Kushite 3-clan confederation, consisting of Ar, Arvd and Arkt. The last two clans are called “Arvadites” and “Arkites” in Genesis 10:15-18. They are the peoples of Sidon and, with other clans living in Canaan, are classified as under the general label “Canaanite.” They spread eastward with the Kushite expansion. Their Mesopotamian kin are called "Arameans" in the Bible.

The Ainu are fascinating and rightly can be called a "first people," but there is still much to learn about them. Were they the predecessors of the Ar clans?

Does your brother-in-law speak English? I would love to communicate with him. Might he be willing to share some of the stories about the Ainu?

Also this shrine you mention... Ise reminds me of Isis or Hathor, the mother of Horus who was called "Son of God" among Abraham's Horite ancestors.  This appears to be the origin of Messianic expectation, long before the Jews emerged in history as a distinct people.

Best wishes,
Alice







Alice,


I'm afraid that my brother-in-law has passed away. Ise Shrine is the most important Shinto Shrine in Japan as it is the one dedicated to the ancestors of the Imperial family. It is dedicated to the Sun Goddess Amaterasu-o-mi-kami, the mythological founder. (The god who lights up heaven) This area of Japan is still thought of as an area where women are very strong. It was once a matrilineal society.

One of the shrine's functions was as an agricultural guide, telling people when to plant what etc. My brother-in-law was in charge of their agricultural museum for a while.

It is where people go to pray at New Years for a good year to come. Babies are taken for a blessing, and thank you. I was told by my mother-in-law that engaged couples shouldn't go there because Amaterrasu-o-mi-kani would get jealous and break up the marriage!

There is a forest preserve around the shrine that has been a natural forest since ancient times, something very rare in Japan. There are many lesser Shrines around the main one, all in the forest. The architecture is like southwest Asian style. The main buildings are rebuilt every 20 years, so they are always fresh and new.

The shrine is a small rather modest structure with a white cloth and scared paper hanging in front blowing in the breeze. There is nothing inside usually, although some have an emblem of the deity. You go and pay your respects by first cleaning your hands and mouth at a watering place, then you sprinkle salt as a purifier on the ground in front of the shrine, and you clap your hand three times to get the attention of the deities, (some places have a rope and bell) and you silently make your case: thanks, requests, whatever, bowing your head.

People who earn their living by gathering seaweed to sell, or making silk, or anyone who depends on a product of nature for their livelihood, take offerings to the shrine to thank the deities for nature's blessing.

We always liked that part because brother-in-law would bring home his share of the seaweed and we got to eat it, usually in miso soup, and I have a lovely pink kimono that my sister-in-law had dyed for me from a roll of white silk that had been a thank-offering.

The priests make a new fire every morning using the old techniques of bow and stick and tinder, brother-in -law was good at that. They also pray for peace in the world at the same time. Neat place!

There are special chickens, called "Phoenix Chickens" in English which roam around the shrine ground. They are the messengers of the Sun Goddess. I've seen carved Roosters on the top of a wooden church in Bergen, Norway. They seem to know when to crow, don't they!

The origin of the name ISE is not clear, but it was a place name long before writing came to Japan in the 800s, along with Buddhism. I can tell you that the name "ISE" is an old one from a time of oral language only. The Chinese character that was chosen for the "I" part means "that one" and is used in other contexts in combination for "dandy' "showy dresser" etc. The "SE" part uses a character that stands for "energy," "influence," "power," "military power," "might" and is used in combination for words like "influential family."

As for sun worship, when I went to Japan in the 1960s, I saw older country people get up and bow to the sun and saying a prayer with their hands held up together in front of them. When I asked, it was dismissed as something old people did. Native Americans in the southwest do the same thing, or so I have read.

Judith







Judith,


The veneration of the sun is extremely ancient. Among Abraham's Nilotic ancestors the sun was regarded as the emblem of the Creator and sometimes shown as the Deity's solar boat.  In some images, such as this one found at Anghor Wat, Horus appears in the form of a falcon flying above the sun.



Angkor Wat faces west toward the Nile. Angkor Wat and the Egyptian royal tombs correspond in form to the number 72. The number 72 represents the numerical sequence linked to the earth’s axial precession, which causes the apparent alteration in the position of the constellations one degree every 72 years. It has been noted that Angkor Wat is located 72 degrees of longitude east of the Pyramids of Giza. The name Angkor correlates with the ancient Egyptian Anhk-Hor, meaning "May Horus Live." This was likely a Horite shrine before it became a Buddhist temple. The Horite ruler-priests are responsible for the diffusion of Horite religion across the ancient Afro-Asiatic Dominion.

The practices you describe are common in Africa. If the Ainu came to Japan from the Nile, this should not surprise us. I asked about Ise because the name reminded me of Ishtar and Isis. Earlier she was called Hathor among the Proto-Saharan and Nilotic Ainu. Abraham's father was Terah (Tera) and his name was associated with the royal Ainu of the Upper Nile. Tera-neter means one devoted to God. Tera indicates a priest and ntr refers to God. The name is associated with Het-u temples. The Het lived well after the time of the Patriarchs. In Genesis 10 they are listed as Noah's descendants by his grandsons Sidon and Het and are indicated as the original inhabitants of Canaan.



















The Proto-Saharan word for throne is es or is. It is associated with serpents. The proto-root for vein, river, tongue, sinew, lightening and serpent was NS. Originally, the S would have been a pictograph representing a serpent or anything serpentine. It also indicates "great" and can mean "Man" (Egyptian - sa), and throne (Proto-Saharan es or is). The serpent was a sacred symbol to the Kushites, especially to the metalworking clans such as the Hittites of Anatolia who called themselves Nes.

With kind regards,

Alice





Alice,

Hum... in current Japanese, "tera" is the word used for "temple" as in Buddhist Temple. A throne is not an original Japanese concept. Rulers sat on a higher tatami mat or higher floor part, or one closer to the center of the room in the back. Snakes, as far as I can tell, are just used for medicine and are often thought of in a benevolent way. They help the farmers by eating rats and mice. We had an aodaisho, a large black-blue snake in our neighborhood, and I was directed to treat it with respect because of it's age and usefulness. It was round and quite long and went about it's business undisturbed until it found its way into the cage of the baby parakeets that the manager's wife had left hanging on her eaves when she went shopping. What a scream she let out! I went over to help. Our friendly neighborhood snake had gotten itself into the cage and eaten so many baby parakeets that it couldn't get out. I was going to take it down for her and open the door to let it out, but she wanted to wait until her husband came home. In any case, the snake was let loose again.

I don't remember any snake motifs around shrines. People did catch them and make snake wine, though.

The Japanese word for snake is "hebi." The Egyptian sign for river is very similar to the Chinese character for river. The Egyptian one looks like a "W". The Chinese character is three vertical lines in a row, the last being longer. If you let your brush touch the page lightly between strokes, it can look like "W". "River" is "kawa", "vein" is "joumyaku', "tongue" is "shita", "sinew" is "tsuji", lightening is "kaminari."  Kaminari can be translated as "from the gods" or "the gods are up to something" or simply "from above." Terasu is "to shine."

Judith






Judith,


The sinew that the angel touched on Jacob’s thigh is called gid ha'nasheh in Hebrew. There is a relationship between nasheh and nahushtan, the bronze serpent on Moses' rod. Reeds, sinews, veins, lightening and rivers are like serpents. It is easy to see how prehistoric man might have thought of lightening as God's serpent. Where it struck there was a connection between heaven and earth. That place would be considered the sacred center, just as the Nile was the sacred center between the Pole Star and the rising sun, and the Jordan was the sacred center between M-nasheh/Ephraim and M-nasheh/Gad.

In the older Proto-Saharan languages spoken by Abraham's Kushite ancestors, N at the end of the word designates the plural form. Appa is father, but appan means fathers. When N comes at the beginning of the word, it refers to God, as in the Egyptian ntr. The original root for vein, river, serpent, sinew and lightening was probably NS. It would have represented the idea of connection between heaven and earth, and between God and man.


Best wishes,
Alice






Alice,


Such interesting topics! The origin myth of Amaterasu-o-mi-kami has her parents, Izanagi and Iznami, who are the progenitors of all the gods, standing on the "bridge of heaven" (a rainbow) and stirring the ocean with a long pole. The places where they stirred the bottom up became the 8 main islands of Japan. If you remember the opening ceremonies for the Nagano Olympics, you will remember that the world was shown the ancient art of raising a large pole using ropes. Such a pole could be used in building a large structure. When Izanagi and Isanami were married, they walked around the main pole. As the story goes, Izanami, the female, was too anxious for the union and she walked around and met Izanagi first. This was considered inappropriate, and they had to do it over again. The gaikokubashira or main pole of a house, is a term used to describe someone who quietly supports the people around them. In a traditional Japanese house, there is a raised platform half-way across the back of the parlor, the zashiki or receiving room. This platform is about 8 inches high and usually there are sliding doors and a storage area over it under the ceiling. This is the place of honor in a home where you hang a scroll to match the season and put a flower arrangement and maybe a special ornament. This tokonoma has a decorative pole to the right of it that is made of special wood, highly polished and given respect. There are many grades of wood used for this supporting pole and the trees used are specially grown for this purpose.

The Japanese language consists of consonant-vowel syllables, except for the N sound which only comes at the end of a word. The N sound in Japanese can come at the beginning of a word as part of a consonant+vowel syllable. When it stands alone, it can only come at the end. Generally speaking plurals are not always given, but understood. When necessary for clarity, there are word endings which can be added depending on the type of word. I remember distinctly getting a letter from school in which I was asked to provide my daughter with hakko for a kindergarten project. So I went and got a special kind of soap that came in a very pretty little box, when actually they wanted all sorts of used boxes for the children to tape together and make whatever object they wanted. Sigh!

Father is ottosan, or more formally in the old style chichiue. As for the connection between heaven and earth, that was provided when Amaterasu-o-mi-kami came down to live in Ise in human form. The gods are not far away. You can go to any shrine and talk to them anytime you want to. You don't have to wait for Sunday services, or pay for special sacred dances, or musical performances, or shrine festivals. Shinto shines are everywhere, sort of ''fast-food" gods, ready at our convenience. The inari jinja are special shrines to the fox god who is clever and good for merchants and shop keepers. You can find them near busy shopping streets. There are local shrines to a multitude of gods. You name it, somewhere there is a shrine to it. Natural objects, like a pine tree, for instance, that is especially old and has weathered many storms, can be inspirational. Such a tree will have a shimenawa or sacred rope with sacred paper streamers attached to it to show respect for the courage of the tree. Especially noted rock formations will have shimenawa, or waterfalls.

In modern American, we had "The Old Man of the Mountains" in New Hampshire, for example that was made much of, or Walden Pond. Natural caves and land bridges are admired and turned into parks. We admire the "handiwork."



All the best!

Judith





Alice,

Reflecting some more on matrilinial families, that tendency is still present in modern Japanese society.  I know that the Emperor only has a daughter and the authorities are dithering about succession, that's a whole story in itself.  If they looked to the past they would not dither.

Anyway, if in modern Japanese society, you have property, let's say, and only a daughter to inherit, you can adopt a male legally, and he will change his family name and marry your daughter.  He'll marry in. This is usually a second son who didn't inherit.  That's what my mother-in-law did.  She went off and found herself a husband and her parents legally adopted him, he changed his last name.  This is not uncommon.

Also, in certain prominent families with say, traditional occupations such as flower arranging, dancing, acting etc,  the males will have several different personal names over their life time to indicate that they've mastered new skills.  I believe Native American had the same practice.
What about Africa?

Regards,

Judith






Judith,

Matrilineage is a significant feature of Abraham's Horite people who originated in the Nile Valley. To this day, Jewish identity is traced through the mother, not the father. I have identified the marriage and ascendancy structure of the Horites and can confirm that line of descent and blood line are traced through the mothers.

It was the Horite custom to have two wives.  The first wife was a half-sister (as was Sarah to Abraham) and the second wife was either a patrilineal cousin or niece (as was Keturah to Abraham).  The wives lived in separate households on a north-south axis.  The east-west axis was considered God's territory as the Sun traveled this direction over the Earth.

With two wives, there was a question of succession of two firstborn sons.  The firstborn son of the sister wife ascended to the throne of his father.  So Isaac became Abraham's heir and successor.  The firstborn son of the cousin wife ascended to the throne of his maternal grandfather, after whom he was named.  So Abraham's firstborn son Joktan ascended to the throne of Joktan the Elder, after whom he was named.

Sons were also born to concubines, although it appears that each ruler only had two concubines.  The sons of concubines and the younger sons of wives were sent away to establish territories of their own. This marriage and ascendancy pattern drove the Kushites expansion out of Africa into Mesopotamia, India, Nepal, Cambodia and Japan.  The Kushite expansion has been attested by DNA studies.




Related reading:  Ainu at the Center of Cavalli-Sforza's Genetic Distance Chart; A Kindling of Ancient Memory